The intelligence instrument delivers decision advantage through activities, products, and organizations, mainly through national and international intelligence agencies, enabling value-added data for the rest of the IOPs. Recently, as Chinas market has grown ever more important to global companies, China has also begun targeting individual corporations with coercive measures if they fail to adopt Beijings preferred policy positions. ), Next Generation National Security Fellows, The Shawn Brimley Next Generation National Security Leaders Fellowship, Joseph S. Nye, Jr. National Security Internship and Mentoring Program, 2022 CNAS National Security Conference: Security in the Balance, Opec's Surprise Cut: Is the Global Economy Ready, The Lawfare Podcast: A New Sanctions Approach for Humanitarian Assistance, Sound On: Foreign Tech Ban, Jan 6 Tape, Tim Ryan on Energy. Distinctly, the focus of the information IOP is to affect decisionmaking in the cognitive, informational, and physical dimensions of the target audiencewhether friendly, neutral, or adversaryto create a desired effect.21 For example, the intelligence IOP may provide the critical information necessary for the commander to make a decision whereas the information IOP would help to create a desired effect in the target audience. Since its proposed regime for the South China Sea is qualitatively so profoundly unappealing, China seeks to win votes through the coercive use of the negative instruments of its national power. ), as well as intelligence disciplines.18 The products are typically intelligence estimates and assessments that are often broken down into categories and could be in the form of written documents or verbal presentations, hardcopy publications, or electronic media.19 Organizations can be broken down into Department of Defense (DOD) agencies, other national agencies, foreign agencies, host-nation or local sources, and corporations. Center for Security Studies/Christine June), Air battle manager with 16th Airborne Command and Control Squadron monitors radar system on E-8 Joint STARS aircraft flying off coast of Florida, July 14, 2018 (U.S. Air Force/Marianique Santos), Afghan and coalition security force members conceal themselves in field during operation in search of Taliban facilitator in Sayyid Karam District, Paktia Province, Afghanistan, June 5, 2013 (U.S. Army/Codie Mendenhall), Coalition-aligned security force Maghaweir al-Thowra seize $3.5 million in illicit drugs, including nearly 850,000 regional amphetamine Captagon pills,
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Economic coercion is a global issue that cannot be addressed without adequate international information sharing and coordination. The intelligence IOP involves many mission partners, all with varying and important missions articulated in the following categories: national agencies, allied partners and agencies, host-nation resources, and private sources. Strategy: Directing the Instruments of National Power By Steven Aftergood April 30, 2018 The tools that can be used to assert national power and influence have often been summarized by the acronym DIME Diplomatic, Informational, Military, and Economic. WebThe military instrument of national power can be used in a wide variety of ways that vary in purpose, scale, risk, and combat intensity. Partner nations assist with local intelligence, while the private sector provides independent investigation and analysis. Xi has made clear that under his continued leadership, China will take a more assertive posture abroad. Coercion also serves domestic political purposes for Beijing, which has cultivated rising nationalism domestically and which can use coercive economic measures to show domestic political audiences that China is acting to punish countries and companies that fail to conform to Beijings wishes. Around three-quarters or more take this position in India (74%), Australia (85%) and the Philippines (89%). These actions have caused significant economic damage to U.S. partners such as Japan and South Korea. In Lebanon, about twice as many say China is having a good influence (50%) than say the same of the U.S. (26%). Despite how long the DIME has been used for describing the instruments of national power, U.S. policymakers and strategists have long understood that there are many more instruments involved in national security policy development and implementation. And, when comparing economic ties to the U.S. and to China, many publics have a sanguine view of their current economic relationship with both superpowers. Turks more frequently see Chinese influence negatively. Within the region, Indonesians and Australians stand out for being more likely to choose China as the leading global economy, though Indonesians are somewhat divided (21% U.S., 24% China) and about as many of them name Japan (22%) as the leading economy. According to Craig Mastapeter in his Naval Postgraduate School thesis, The intelligence instrument, or element, of national power integrates foreign, military, and domestic capabilities through policy, personnel, and technology actions to provide decision advantage to policymakers, diplomats, financiers and economists, strategic communicators, warfighters, homeland security officials, and law enforcement.20 A more succinct and functional definition of the intelligence IOP that corresponds to both the joint concept and Mastapeters definition is the products, interdisciplinary activities, and organizations that convert disparate data about the environment, future capabilities and intentions, and relevant actors into coherent information to provide decision advantage for decisionmakers, both policymakers and commanders. Those in Japan, South Korea, the Philippines and India especially prefer ties with the U.S.; they are more likely to choose relations with the U.S. over China by about 40 percentage points or more. For too long Chinese economic coercion has escaped sustained scrutiny. Emily Kilcrease. 
The focus of the intelligence IOP is the production of value-added data for the commander or decisionmaker to make informed decisions. Former Adjunct Senior Fellow, Energy, Economics and Security Program. The National Security Strategy for Combatting Terrorism identified the importance of affecting financial systems used by terrorist organizations that support their survival and continued operations.7 In relation to violent extremist organizations (VEOs), the financial IOP is characterized as the specific means by which insurgents acquire and distribute capital, whether via formal or informal banking and monetary exchange systems.8 The routine use, success, and precision of the financial IOP over the past two decades prove that it is an essential addition to DIME. g8@"-DeAWpjnTYf4)J7y);5y\H*a 0M4yuMFmp#qh Dx[&S2^DmBit|z. Fort Lesley J. McNair 
The organizations participate in the activities of collection, processing, integration, analysis, and interpretation of available information of hostile or potentially hostile forces that result in intelligence products.17 Activities are often associated with processes (such as the Joint Intelligence Preparation of the Operational Environment process, the targeting process, the intelligence process, etc. Edoardo Saravalle is a former Researcher for the Energy, Economics, and Security Program at the Center for a New American Security (CNAS). But in South Korea and Japan, upwards of nine-in-ten say both superpowers have a great deal of influence. Private-sector actors should understand their exposure to Chinese economic coercion and limit their vulnerabilities through supply chain redundancy and market diversification. Major Timothy Charles Walton, USA, is an Effects Integrator in the Counter-Facilitation Task Force at the Defense Threat Reduction Agency. %PDF-1.7
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WebComprehensive National Power (CNP): Assessing Chinas Power The rise of China on the world stage, particularly after the application of the Open Door policy and economic reforms, led Chinese leaders to focus on its own power assessment to understand the power gap between China and other leading major Still, substantial minorities in Lebanon and Israel volunteer that strong ties with both are more important, and about two-thirds in Tunisia say the same. The intelligence instrument delivers decision advantage through activities, products, and organizations, mainly through national and international intelligence agencies, enabling value-added data for the rest of the IOPs. The benefit and relevance of the financial IOP is its precision. WebNational Power (CNP) approach, it will show that China is deliberately increasing power across of broad spectrum of instruments in an attempt to challenge the US. The National Intelligence Councils Global Trends Report indicates that the blurring of peacetime and wartime, the ease of disruption caused by nonstate groups, increase in standoff and remote attack capabilities, and new concerns about nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction are shaping conflicts that are more diffuse, diverse, and disruptive.24 The 2019 National Intelligence Strategy provides some guidelines on the trends and focus areas such as strategic intelligence, anticipatory intelligence, current operations intelligence, and cyber threat intelligence.25. Kenneth B. and Anne H.H. Its bureaucracy is robust and its political elites have a conscious plan to expand national power, a vision encapsulated in Xi Jinpings China dream. But the nations capacity to convert these resources into tangible forms of usable civilian and military power is hindered by a contradiction in terms between the essence of power in the 21st centuryinspirational, technologically advanced, outward-looking, and innovatingand the intrinsic nature of the regime currently governing China. He is a leading expert on U.S. economic statecraft, including sanctions, export cont Former Senior Fellow and Director, Energy, Economics and Security Program. In the Asia-Pacific countries surveyed, South Koreans, Japanese and Australians are especially likely to say China has a great deal or fair amount of influence on their countrys economy, with about nine-in-ten or more holding this opinion. However, there is little explicit information on the new IOPs and even less guidance regarding the potential application of a more granular conception of IOPs in a competitive environment. %PDF-1.5
Though economic coercion is one of many facets of Chinese economic statecraft, U.S. policymakers must better understand it. This pattern is reversed in the Middle East and North Africa, where all publics but Israel rate their economic relationships with China more positively. Perceived influence is highest in South Korea (96%), Japan (94%) and Israel (88%), and lowest in Indonesia the only country where fewer than half (45%) say the U.S. plays a large role in their economic affairs. WebWithout power, a nation has no means to implement its plan to achieve its objectives. For example, Russia conceptualizes political warfare using nonmilitary and above-military categories (political, network, economic, financial, intelligence, legal, cultural, propaganda, drug, and so forth), which are similar to the DIME-FIL IOPs while continuing to emphasize the military instrument.1 As peer competitors develop such fluid and threshold-based gray zone concepts, the United States must adapt in order to compete in a changing threat environment. Attitudes in the sub-Saharan African countries surveyed are also positive, with roughly seven-in-ten or more in each country saying relations are positive. The emergence of a new strategic environment necessitates an orchestration of multiple instruments of power. U.S. peer competitors, namely Russia and China, have already developed alternative concepts to leverage IOPs to compete below the threshold of conflict. 
For years, the international community has wrestled with how to reconcile sanctions policies targeting terrorist groups and other malevolent actors with the need to provide hu By Please support our research with a financial contribution. 
It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Yet, the fact that China often relies on informal or extralegal measures to implement its economic coercion, the lack of a coordinated U.S. government response, and major methodological differences between Chinese and U.S. approaches to economic coercion have resulted in relatively limited study of this tool. 24 Global Trends: Paradox of Progress (Washington, DC: National Intelligence Council, January 2017), 215221, available at 
Second, a comparison of the US DIME (Diplomacy, Information, Military, and Economic) model will show that the US remains the dominant global power, but that China is investing in WebNATOs deterrence and defence posture is based on, among other factors, an effective combination of cutting-edge weapons systems and platforms, and forces trained to work together seamlessly. When directly comparing the perceived positive influence from the U.S. and China, outside of the Asia-Pacific region, Chinese economic influence is largely seen in more positive terms than American influence. 2 (2017), 8. 15 Restored U.S. Sanctions on Iran Cover Shipping, Financial, and Energy Sectors, CBS News, November 4, 2018, available at 
When it comes to American influence, evaluations are somewhat less positive; a median of 42% rate it positively, while 34% say the U.S. is having more of a negative influence on economic conditions in their country. The U.S. Congress should specifically highlight Chinese economic coercion through hearings and investigations. 1615 L St. NW, Suite 800Washington, DC 20036USA In Asia-Pacific countries, evaluations of Chinese influence are fairly divided; Australians, Filipinos and Indonesians are more likely to see Chinese influence as positive than negative, while Japanese, South Koreans and Indians identify Chinese influence as more negative than positive. 9 The relationship with the state or organization could be adversarial, neutral, or friendly. Rachel Ziemba. China wants to be the dominant economic and military power of the world, spreading its authoritarian vision for society and its corrupt practices worldwide. The measures may also have long-term effects in deterring and shaping countries foreign policy interests that go well beyond the short-term economic costs. The focus of the financial IOP has historically been VEOs, but it applies to all problem sets. Shows of force or military adventurism are thus possible consequences of Chinas slowing growth. More than two-thirds in each of the sub-Saharan African countries surveyed describe current economic ties with both China and the U.S. as good, and around half or more say the same in each of the Latin American countries surveyed. In terms of resources, China looks like a colossal land of milk and honey. For example, in the Asia-Pacific countries surveyed, a median of 46% say the U.S. is the top economy, while a 25% median say the same about China. View All Articles & Multimedia. The cases also illustrate key aspects of Chinese targeting. YM0p@je+|>rCBXBI8#P4/my}J&enhu-t.s 7fyH&U%-ESE1Iz"#YZe[` Y*d8_l"{T/! Despite how long the DIME has been used for describing the instruments of national power, U.S. policymakers and strategists have long understood that there are many more instruments involved in national security policy development and implementation. used to fund so-called Islamic State operations, in southern Syria, October 23, 2019 (U.S. Army/Kyle Alvarez), The premier professional military and academic publishing house, By Cesar Augusto Rodriguez, Timothy Charles Walton, and Hyong Chu, Dr. Valbona Zeneli, Marshall Centers professor of National Security Studies, talks about Crime and Corruption, August 12, 2016, during Program on Countering Transnational Organized Crime (George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies/Christine June), Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America, Doctrine for the Armed Forces of the United States, Identify the Mission Partners Involved with Each, Instrument and Incorporate Them Early and Often in Planning, Coalition-aligned security force Maghaweir al-Thowra seize $3.5 million in illicit drugs, including nearly 850,000 regional amphetamine Captagon pills, used to fund so-called Islamic State operations, in southern Syria, October 23, 2019 (U.S. Army/Kyle Alvarez), Train and Plan with DIME-FIL for Near-Peer Threats, National Strategy for Combatting Terrorism, Military Strategic Plan for the Global War on Terrorism, Capstone Concept for Joint Operations: Joint Force 2020, Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United States of America: Sharpening the American Militarys Edge, Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism, National Intelligence Strategy of the United States of America, Hosted by Defense Media Activity - WEB.mil. For the State and Defense Departments, integrating all four elements of national power to achieve optimal negotiation outcomes is a highly complex and increasingly important requirement to achieve US strategic objectives given the disappearance of unconditional surrender and its nearly unlimited diplomatic yield to victorious states. As a result, it is perhaps time to transition from a DIME to DIME-FIL concept. "As Chinas economy and its economic statecraft become more sophisticated, Beijing is sharpening and expanding its coercive economic toolkit.". By defining each of the FIL instruments, identifying key mission partners, and determining its application in the near-peer environment, commanders and planners are able to achieve understanding and apply the DIME-FIL framework to their way of thinking and approaching complex problem sets. In the past decade, China has expanded its set of such economic instruments to include sticks, not just carrots. 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